case, we see little public interest served by this kind of timing. Were the order reversed, the alleged violator could be held on high bail or without bail if he were a poor bail risk. If there were a criminal conviction, the subsequent violation decision would be simple; if there were an acquittal, the court conducting the violation hearing could proceed with full knowledge of that result, remaining free to weigh evidence by a lower standard, but having in mind the acquittal. The result is apt to be, if not also appear, more just.
This would be a different case if the penalty for violating the deferred sentence agreement — institution of the deferred sentence — were really a penalty for committing the very offense which had violated the agreement, since we would then have to consider whether the violation hearing met all the constitutional requirements for a criminal trial. The subsequent criminal trial, under these circumstances, might also raise problems of double jeopardy. But the record is silent on this point and it was not raised below. Petitioner was sentenced to twelve years in prison for violating his deferred sentence agreement. The agreement had been in lieu of a prison sentence for conviction on one count of robbery. Although the other two counts had resulted in a six year concurrent sentence, robbery carries a maximum penalty of life imprisonment, Rhode Island General Laws § 11-39-1 '(1956; 1969 Reenactment).
Perhaps it would be preferable had the deferred sentence agreement stipulated the maximum sentence to be imposed if the agreement were violated, just as it would be preferable for the state to have held the violation hearing after the criminal ’ trial. The Constitution, however, does not require the state, in every case, to adopt what appear to be preferable procedures. On the record before us, we are unable to find any basis for saying that the occasional unfairness which results from the state’s ordering of the two proceedings, and convicting at the violation hearing while acquitting at the subsequent criminal trial, reaches unconstitutional proportions.
Reversed.
COFFIN, Chief Judge
(dissenting).
As I read Simmons, supra, and the employment cases, Lefkowitz., Garrity, and Spevack, a principle emerges which, in my opinion, should control the instant case: the government should not be in a position where it might be tempted by potentially coercive means to short-cut its broad investigatory responsibilities and its obligation, if it wishes to punish an individual, to “produce the evidence against him by its own independent labors”. Miranda v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 436, 460, 86 S.Ct. 1602, 1620, 16 L.Ed.2d 694 (1966). Regardless of the government’s good intentions in requiring a defendant to establish standing under the Fourth Amendment, or disqualifying contractors and removing officials from office who might be bribe-takers (and who have failed to offer information which might dispel that suspicion), these circumstances carry with them too much danger that government power to grant or deny rights and privileges will be used coercively. The safeguards which courts have created around the exercise of the Fifth Amendment’s privilege against self-incrimination are essentially bulwarks against abuse of the government’s coercive power.
In the instant ease, the government’s ability to time the violation hearing, with its lower burden of proof, so that it comes before the criminal trial on the same charge, enables the government to gain evidence for the criminal trial the easy way. The right to be heard personally in the deferred sentence violation proceeding — the right to explain one’s “side of the story” — has been thought so important to an alleged violator that Rhode Island elevated it to a constitutional requirement a decade ago, Harris v. Langlois, 98 R.I. 387, 202 A.2d 288 (1964). Yet, with the government in control of the timing of the two proceedings, an alleged violator can explain his “side of the story” only by opening him