McCleskey v. Kemp, 481 U.S. 279 (1987)

I agree with Justice Stevens’ position that the proper course is to remand this case to the Court of Appeals for determination of the validity of the statistical evidence presented. Post, at 367. Like Justice Stevens, however, I am persuaded that the Baldus study is valid and would remand merely in the interest of orderly procedure.

See, e. g., H. R. Joint Comm. Rep. No. 30, 39th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. II, p. 25 (1866) (testimony of George Tucker, Virginia attorney) (“They have not any idea of prosecuting white men for offenses against colored people; they do not appreciate the idea”); id., at 209 (testimony of Dexter H. Clapp) (“Of the thousand cases of murder, robbery, and maltreatment of freedmen that have come before me, ... I have never yet known a single ease in which the local authorities or police or citizens made any attempt or exhibited any inclination to redress any of these wrongs or to protect such persons”); id., at 213 (testimony of J. A. Campbell) (although identities of men suspected of killing two blacks known, no arrest or trial had occurred); id., pt. Ill, p. 141 (testimony of Brev. Maj. Gen. Wager Swayne) (“I have not known, after six months’ residence at the capital of the State, a single instance of a white man being convicted and hung or sent to the penitentiary for crime against a negro, while many cases of crime warranting such punishment have been reported to me”); id., pt. IV, p. 75 (testimony of Maj. Gen. George A. Custer) (“[I]t is of weekly, if not of daily, occurrence that freedmen are murdered. . . . [Sjometimes it is not known who the perpetrators are; but when that is known no action is taken against them. I believe a white man has never been hung for murder in Texas, although it is the law”). In Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483 (1954), this Court held that, despite the fact that the legislative history of the Fourteenth Amendment indicated that Congress did not view racial discrimination in public education as a specific target, the Amendment nevertheless prohibited such discrimination. The Court today holds that even though the Fourteenth Amendment was aimed specifically at eradicating discrimination in the enforcement of criminal sanctions, allegations of such discrimination supported by substantial evidence are not constitutionally cognizable. But see Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79, 85 (1986) (allegations of racially discriminatory exercise of peremptory challenges by prosecutor subject to review under Fourteenth Amendment because “[ejxclusion of black citizens from service as jurors constitutes a primary example of the evil the Fourteenth Amendment was designed to cure”).

The Court refers to the prosecutor’s role in the capital sentencing process without analyzing the import of the statistical evidence concerning the steps of the process at which the prosecutor determines the future of the case. The Court recognizes that the prosecutor determines whether a case even will proceed to the penalty phase. If the prosecutor does not pursue the death penalty, a mandatory sentence of life imprisonment is imposed. See ante, at 284, n. 2. It lists many of the factors that prosecutors take into account in making their decisions, ante, at 307-308, n. 28, and recognizes that in each case the prosecutor can decline to charge, or to offer a plea bargain, or to seek a death sentence, ante, at 312. It also notes that the Baldus study “found that prosecutors sought the death penalty in 70% of the cases involving black defendants and white victims; 32% *351of the cases involving white defendants and white victims; 15% of the cases involving black defendants and black victims; and 19% of the eases involving white defendants and black victims,” ante, at 287. The Court relies heavily on its assertion that prosecutorial discretion should not be reviewed, ante, at 296-297, 311-312, but elsewhere concedes that such discretion may not be exercised in a racially discriminatory manner, ante, at 309, n. 30. It nowhere explains why this limitation on pros-ecutorial discretion does not require the same analysis that we apply in other cases involving equal protection challenges to the exercise of pros-ecutorial discretion. See, e. g., Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79 (1986).

The use of the prima facie case method to structure proof in eases charging racial discrimination is appropriate because it “progressively . . . *352sharpen[s] the inquiry into the elusive factual question of intentional discrimination.” Texas Dept. of Community Affairs v. Burdine, 450 U. S. 248, 255, n. 8 (1981); see McCleskey v. Kemp, 753 F. 2d 877, 912 (CA11 1985) (Johnson, J., dissenting in part and concurring in part) (where the “prosecutor has considerable discretion and the jury has bounded but irreducible discretion,” the discretion could easily mask conscious or unconscious racial discrimination and indirect methods of proof are therefore required as outlined in Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S. 229, 241-242 (1976), and Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U. S. 252, 266, n. 13 (1977)).

The Court recently explained: “In deciding if the defendant has carried his burden of persuasion, a court must undertake ‘a sensitive inquiry into such circumstantial and direct evidence of intent as may be available.’ Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U. S., at 266. Circumstantial evidence of invidious intent may include proof of disproportionate impact. Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S., at 242. We have observed that under some circumstances proof of .discriminatory impact ‘may for all practical purposes demonstrate unconstitutionality because in various circumstances the discrimination is very difficult to explain on nonraeial grounds.’ Ibid.’’ Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S., at 93.

In Castaneda, we explained that in jury-selection cases where the criminal defendant is attempting to prove that there was discriminatory *353exclusion of potential jurors we apply the “rule of exclusion” method of proof. 430 U. S., at 494. The underlying rationale is that “[i]f a disparity is sufficiently large, then it is unlikely that it is due solely to chance or accident, and, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, one must conclude that racial or other class-related factors entered into the selection process.” Id., at 494, n. 13.

Although the Court states that it assumes the validity of the Baldus study for purposes of its analysis, because of its detailed discussion of the District Court’s reasons for rejecting its validity I am compelled to record my disagreement with the District Court’s reasoning. As a member of the United States Court of Appeals, I was confronted in 1968 with a challenge to the constitutionality of a State’s capital sentencing system based on allegations of racial discrimination supported by statistical evidence. Writing for a panel of the court, I rejected that challenge for reasons similar to those espoused by the Court today. Maxwell v. Bishop, 398 F. 2d 138 (CA8), vacated and remanded, sua sponte, on grounds not raised below, 398 U. S. 262 (1970) (per curiam). The Court of Appeals found the evidence presented by Maxwell incomplete, not directly relevant to his individual claim, and statistically insufficient. McCleskey’s evidence, however, is of such a different level of sophistication and detail that it simply cannot be rejected on those grounds. Unlike the evidence presented by Maxwell, which did not contain data from the jurisdiction in which he was tried and sentenced, McCleskey’s evidence includes data from the relevant jurisdiction. Whereas the analyses presented by Maxwell did not take into account a significant number of variables and were based on a universe of 55 cases, the analyses presented by McCleskey’s evidence take into account more than 400 variables and áre based on data concerning all offenders arrested for homicide in Georgia from 1973 through 1978, a total of 2,484 cases. Moreover, the sophistication of McCleskey’s evidence permits consideration of the existence of racial discrimination at various decision points in the process, not merely at the jury decision. It is this experience, in part, that convinces me of the significance of the Baldus study.

See Brief for Dr. Franklin M. Fisher et al. as Amici Curiae 19.

A defendant’s chances of receiving a death sentence increase by a factor of 4.3 if the victim is white, but only by 2.3 if the defendant was the prime mover behind the homicide.

A prior record of a conviction for murder, armed robbery, rape, or kidnaping with bodily injury increases the chances of a defendant’s receiving a death sentence by a factor of 4.9.

The universe of eases from Fulton County analyzed by Baldus included 629 killings, 581 of which yielded murder indictments. Supp. Exh. 59, 60; Tr. 978-981. The evidence indicated that at each step in the process from indictment to sentence, there is a differential treatment in the disposition of white-victim and black-victim cases, with the white-victim cases having a higher likelihood of being retained in the system and risking a death sentence. Supp. Exh. 60; Tr. 978-981.

In his deposition, Russell Parker, the Assistant District Attorney who prosecuted McCleskey’s case, contradicted the statement cited by the Court, ante, at 312, n. 34, concerning plea negotiations during Mc-Cleskey’s trial. Parker testified that he never discussed a plea with McCleskey. Deposition in No. 84-8176 of Russell Parker, Feb. 16, 1981, p. 15.

As a result of MeCleskey’s discovery efforts, the record also contains relevant testimonial evidence by two state officials. The Fulton County District Attorney testified that he did not recall any instance in which race was a factor in a death penalty case in his office. Deposition in No. 84-8176 of Lewis R. Slaton, Aug. 4, 1983, p. 78. He later recalled one ease that was in the office when he first began, in which the office set aside the death penalty because of the possibility that race had been involved. Id., at 79-80. The Assistant District Attorney who prosecuted McCleskey’s case testified that race did not influence his decision to seek the death penalty in the present case. Deposition of Russell Parker, Feb. 16, 1981, p. 17. These general assertions by state officials that they did not discriminate or that they properly performed their official duties, however, cannot meet *361the State’s burden of rebuttal of the prima facie case. See Alexander v. Louisiana, 406 U. S. 625, 631-632 (1972); Whitus v. Georgia, 385 U. S. 545, 551-552 (1967). Moreover, there are many ways in which racial factors can enter indirectly into prosecutorial decisions. For example, the authors of a study similar to that of Baldus explained: “Since death penalty prosecutions require large allocations of scarce prosecutorial resources, prosecutors must choose a small number of eases to receive this expensive treatment. In making these choices they may favor homicides that are visible and disturbing to the majority of the community, and these will tend to be white-victim homicides.” Gross & Mauro, Patterns of Death: An Analysis of Racial Disparities in Capital Sentencing and Homicide Victimization, 37 Stan. L. Rev. 27, 106-107 (1984); see generally Johnson, Race and the Decision to Detain a Suspect, 93 Yale L. J. 214 (1983); Lawrence, The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism, 39 Stan. L. Rev. 317 (1987).

In venire-selection cases, the factors that may be considered are limited, usually by state statute. See Castaneda v. Partida, supra, at 485 (“A grand juror must be a citizen of Texas and of the county, be a qualified voter in the county, be ‘of sound mind and good moral character,’ be literate, have no prior felony conviction, and be under no pending indictment ‘or other legal accusation for theft or of any felony’ ”); Turner v. Fouche, supra, at 354 (jury commissioners may exclude any not “upright” and “intelligent” from grand jury service); Whitus v. Georgia, supra, at 548 (same). These considerations are uniform for all potential jurors, and although some factors may be said to be subjective, they are limited and, to a great degree, objectively verifiable. While employment decisions may involve a number of relevant variables, these variables are to a great extent uniform for all employees because they must all have a reasonable relationship to the employee’s qualifications to perform the particular job at issue. Identifiable qualifications for a single job provide a common standard by which to assess each employee. In contrast, a capital sentencing jury may consider any factor relevant to the defendant’s background, character, and the offense. See Eddings v. Oklahoma, 455 U. S. 104, 112 (1982). There is no common standard by which to evaluate all defendants who have or have not received the death penalty.

We refer here not to the number of entities involved in any particular decision, but to the number of entities whose decisions necessarily'are reflected in a statistical display such as the Baldus study. The decisions of a jury commission or of an employer over time are fairly attributable to the commission or the employer. Therefore, an unexplained statistical discrepancy can be said to indicate a consistent policy of the decisionmaker. The Baldus study seeks to deduce a state “policy” by studying the combined effects of the decisions of hundreds of juries that are unique in their composition. It is incomparably more difficult to deduce a consistent policy by studying the decisions of these many unique entities. It is also questionable whether any consistent policy can be derived by studying the decisions of prosecutors. The District Attorney is elected by the voters in a particular county. See Ga. Const., Art. 6, §8, ¶1. Since decisions whether to prosecute and what to charge necessarily are individualized and involve infinite factual variations, coordination among district attorney offices across a State would be relatively meaningless. Thus, any inference from statewide statistics to a prosecutorial “policy” is of doubtful rele*296vance. Moreover, the statistics in Pulton County alone represent the disposition of far fewer cases than the statewide statistics. Even assuming the statistical validity of the Baldus study as a whole, the weight to be given the results gleaned from this small sample is limited.

See Wayte v. United States, 470 U. S. 598, 607 (1985); United States v. Goodwin, 457 U. S. 368, 380, n. 11 (1982); Bordenkircher v. Hayes, 434 U. S. 357, 365 (1978). See also ABA Standards for Criminal Justice 3-3.8, 3-3.9 (2d ed. 1982).

Requiring a prosecutor to rebut a study that analyzes the past conduct of scores of prosecutors is quite different from requiring a prosecutor to rebut a contemporaneous challenge to his own acts. See Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79 (1986).

Although Imbler was decided in the context of damages actions under 42 U. S. C. § 1983 brought against prosecutors, the considerations that led the Court to hold that a prosecutor should not be required to explain his decisions apply in this case as well: “[I]f the prosecutor could be made to answer in court each time ... a person charged him with wrongdoing, his energy and attention would be diverted from the pressing duty of enforcing the criminal law.” 424 U. S., at 425. Our refusal to require that the prosecutor provide an explanation for his decisions in this case is completely consistent with this Court’s longstanding precedents that hold that a prosecutor *297need not explain his decisions unless the criminal defendant presents a prima facie case of unconstitutional conduct with respect to his case. See, e. g., Batson v. Kentucky, supra; Wayte v. United States, supra.

In his dissent, Justice Blackmun misreads this statement. See post, at 348-349. We do not suggest that McCleskey’s conviction and sentencing by a jury bears on the prosecutor’s motivation. Rather, the fact that the United States Constitution and the laws of Georgia authorized the prosecutor to seek the death penalty under the circumstances of this case is a relevant factor to be weighed in determining whether the Baldus study demonstrates a constitutionally significant risk that this decision was motivated by racial considerations.

McCleskey relies on “historical evidence” to support his claim of purposeful discrimination by the State. This evidence focuses on Georgia laws in force during and just after the Civil War. Of course, the “historical background of the decision is one evidentiary source” for proof of intentional discrimination. Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Dev. Corp., 429 U. S., at 267. But unless historical evidence is reasonably contemporaneous with the challenged decision, it has little probative value. Cf. Hunter v. Underwood, 471 U. S. 222, 228-238 (1985) (relying on legislative history to demonstrate discriminatory motivation behind state statute). Although the history of racial discrimination in this country is undeniable, we cannot accept official actions taken long ago as evidence of current intent.

Justice Blackmun suggests that our “reliance on legitimate interests underlying the Georgia Legislature’s enactment of its capital punishment statute is . . . inappropriate [because] it has no relevance in a case dealing with a challenge to the Georgia capital sentencing system as applied in McCleskey’s case.” Post, at 349 (emphasis in original). As the dissent suggests, this evidence is not particularly probative when assessing the application of Georgia’s capital punishment system through the actions of prosecutors and juries, as we did in Part II-A, supra. But that is not the challenge that we are addressing here. As indicated above, the question we are addressing is whether the legislature maintains its capital punishment statute because of the racially disproportionate impact suggested by the Baldus study. McCleskey has introduced no evidence to support this claim. It is entirely appropriate to rely on the legislature’s legitimate reasons for enacting and maintaining a capital punishment statute to address a challenge to the legislature’s intent.

The Eighth Amendment applies to the States through the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Robinson v. California, 370 U. S. 660, 667 (1962).

Thirty-seven States now have capital punishment statutes that were enacted since our decision in Furman. Thirty-three of these States have imposed death sentences under the new statutes. NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Death Row, U. S. A. 1 (Oct. 1, 1986). A federal statute, amended in relevant part in 1974, authorizes the death penalty for aircraft piracy in which a death occurs. 49 U. S. C. App. § 1472(i)(1)(b).

We have noted that the Georgia statute generally follows the standards of the ALI Model Penal Code § 201.6 (Proposed Official Draft No. 13, 1961). Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U. S., at 194, n. 44.

Although the Court has recognized that jury sentencing in a capital case “can perform an important societal function-,” Proffitt v. Florida, 428 *304U. S. 242, 252 (1976) (joint opinion of Stewart, Powell, and Stevens, JJ.) (citing Witherspoon v. Illinois, 391 U. S. 510, 519, n. 15 (1968)), it “has never suggested that jury sentencing [in a capital case] is constitutionally required.” 428 U. S., at 252. Under the Florida capital punishment system at issue in Proffitt, the jury’s verdict is only advisory. The trial judge determines the final sentence. Unlike in Georgia, a Florida trial judge may impose the death penalty even when the jury recommends otherwise. In Proffitt, we found that the Florida capital sentencing procedures adequately channeled the trial judge’s discretion so that the Florida system, like the Georgia system, on its face “satisfie[d] the constitutional deficiencies identified in Furman.” Id., at 253.

We have not yet decided whether the Constitution permits a mandatory death penalty in certain narrowly defined circumstances, such as when an inmate serving a life sentence without possibility of parole commits murder. See Shuman v. Wolff, 791 F. 2d 788 (CA9), cert. granted sub nom. Sumner v. Shuman, 479 U. S. 948 (1986).

This section is substantially identical to the current Georgia Code Ann. § 17-10-30(b)(7) (1982), which is reprinted in n. 3, supra.

The Constitution is not offended by inconsistency in results based on the objective circumstances of the crime. Numerous legitimate factors may influence the outcome of a trial and a defendant’s ultimate sentence, even though they may be irrelevant to his actual guilt. If sufficient evidence to link a suspect to a crime cannot be found, he will not be charged. The capability of the responsible law enforcement agency can vary widely. Also, the strength of the available evidence remains a variable throughout the criminal justice process and may influence a prosecutor’s decision to offer a plea bargain or to go to trial. Witness availability, credibility, and memory also influence the results of prosecutions. Finally, sentencing in state courts is generally discretionary, so a defendant’s ultimate sentence necessarily will vary according to the judgment of the sentenc*308ing authority. The foregoing factors necessarily exist in varying degrees throughout our criminal justice system.

According to Professor Baldus: “McCleskey’s case falls in [a] grey area where . . . you would find the greatest likelihood that some inappropriate consideration may have come to bear on the decision. “In an analysis of this type, obviously one cannot say that we can say to a moral certainty what it was that influenced the decision. We can’t do that.” App. 45-46.

This Court has repeatedly stated that prosecutorial discretion cannot be exercised on the basis of race. Wayte v. United States, 470 U. S., at 608; United States v. Batchelder, 442 U. S. 114 (1979); Oyler v. Boles, 368 U. S. 448 (1962). Nor can a prosecutor exercise peremptory challenges on the basis of race. Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79 (1986); Swain v. Alabama, 380 U. S. 202 (1966). More generally, this Court has condemned state efforts to exclude blacks from grand and petit juries. Vasquez v. Hillery, 474 U. S. 254 (1986); Alexander v. Louisiana, 405 U. S. 625, 628-629 (1972); Whitus v. Georgia, 385 U. S., at 549-550; Norris v. Alabama, 294 U. S. 587, 589 (1935); Neal v. Delaware, 103 U. S. 370, 394 (1881); Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U. S. 303, 308 (1880); Ex parte Virginia, 100 U. S. 339 (1880). Other protections apply to the trial and jury deliberation process. Widespread bias in the community can make a change of venue constitutionally required. Irvin v. Dowd, 366 U. S. 717 (1961). The Constitution prohibits racially biased prosecutorial arguments. Donnelly v. DeChristoforo, 416 U. S. 637, 643 (1974). If the circumstances of a particular case indicate a significant likelihood that racial bias may influence a jury, the Constitution requires questioning as to such bias. Ristaino v. Ross, 424 U. S. 589, 596 (1976). Finally, in a capital sentencing hearing, a defendant convicted of an interracial murder is entitled to such questioning without regard to the circumstances of the particular case. Turner v. Murray, 476 U. S. 28 (1986).

In advocating the adoption of the Constitution, Alexander Hamilton stated: “The friends and adversaries of the plan of the convention, if they agree in nothing else, concur at least in the value they set upon the trial by jury; or if there is any difference between them, it consists in this: the former regard it as a valuable safeguard to liberty, the latter represent it as the very palladium of free government.” The Federalist No. 83, p. 519 (J. Gideon ed. 1818). '

In Witherspoon, Justice Brennan joined the opinion of the Court written by Justice Stewart. The Court invalidated a statute that permitted a prosecutor to eliminate prospective jurors by challenging all who expressed qualms about the death penalty. The Court expressly recognized that the purpose of the “broad discretion” given to a sentencing jury is “to decide whether or not death is ‘the proper penalty’ in a given case,” noting that “a juror’s general views about capital punishment play an inevitable role in any such decision.” 391 U. S., at 519 (emphasis omitted). Thus, a sentencing jury must be composed of persons capable of expressing the “conscience of the community on the ultimate question of life or death.” Ibid. The Court referred specifically to the plurality opinion of Chief Justice Warren in Trop v. Dulles, 356 U. S. 86 (1958), to the effect that it is the jury that must “maintain a link between contemporary community values and the penal system . . . .” 391 U. S., at 519, n. 15. Justice Brennan’s condemnation of the results of the Georgia capital punishment system must be viewed against this background. As to community values and the constitutionality of capital punishment in general, we have previously noted, n. 23, supra, that the elected representatives of the people in 37 States and the Congress have enacted capital punishment statutes, most of which have been enacted or amended to conform generally to the Gregg standards, and that 33 States have imposed death sen*311tences thereunder. In the individual ease, a jury sentence reflects the conscience of the community as applied to the circumstances of a particular offender and offense. We reject Justice Beennan’s contention that this important standard for assessing the constitutionality of a death penalty should be abandoned.

In the guilt phase of a trial, the Double Jeopardy Clause bars re-prosecution after an acquittal, even if the acquittal is “ ‘based upon an egregiously erroneous foundation.’” United States v. DiFrancesco, 449 U. S. 117, 129 (1980) (quoting Fong Foo v. United States, 369 U. S. 141, 143 (1962)). See Powell, Jury Trial of Crimes, 23 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 1, 7-8 (1966) (Despite the apparent injustice of such an acquittal, “[t]he founding *312fathers, in light of history, decided that the balance here should be struck in favor of the individual”). In the penalty hearing, Georgia law provides that “unless the jury . . . recommends the death sentence in its verdict, the court shall not sentence the defendant to death.” Georgia Code Ann. § 17-10-31 (1982). In Bullington v. Missouri, 451 U. S. 430 (1981), this Court held that the Double Jeopardy Clause of the Constitution prohibits a State from asking for a sentence of death at a second trial when the jury at the first trial recommended a lesser sentence.

In this ease, for example, McCleskey declined to enter a guilty plea. According to his trial attorney: “[T]he Prosecutor was indicating that we might be able to work out a life sentence if he were willing to enter a plea. But we never reached any concrete stage on that because Mr. MeCleskey’s attitude was that he didn’t want to enter a plea. So it never got any further than just talking about it.” Tr. in No. 4909, p. 56 (Jan. 30, 1981).

Congress has acknowledged the existence of such discrepancies in criminal sentences, and in 1984 created the United States Sentencing Commission to develop sentencing guidelines. The objective.of the guidelines “is to avoid unwarranted sentencing disparities among defendants with similar records who have been found guilty of similar criminal conduct, while maintaining sufficient flexibility to permit individualized sentencing when warranted by mitigating or aggravating factors not taken into account in the guidelines.” 52 Fed. Reg. 3920 (1987) (emphasis added). No one contends that all sentencing disparities can be eliminated. The *313guidelines, like the safeguards in the Gregg-type statute, further an essential need of the Anglo-American criminal justice system — to balance the desirability of a high degree of uniformity against the necessity for the exercise of discretion.

The Baldus study in fact confirms that the Georgia system results in a reasonable level of proportionality among the class of murderers eligible for the death penalty. As Professor Baldus confirmed, the system sorts out cases where the sentence of death is highly likely and highly unlikely, leaving a midrange of eases where the imposition of the death penalty in any particular case is less predictable. App. 35-36. See n. 5, supra.

Justice BRENNAN’s eloquent dissent of course reflects his often repeated opposition to the death sentence. His views, that also are shared by Justice MARSHALL, are principled and entitled to respect. Neverthe*314less, since Gregg was decided in 1976, seven Members of this Court consistently have upheld sentences of death under Gregg-type statutes providing for meticulous review of each sentence in both state and federal courts. The ultimate thrust of Justice Brennan’s dissent is that Gregg and its progeny should be overruled. He does not, however, expressly call for the overruling of any prior decision. Rather, relying on the Baldus study, Justice Brennan, joined by Justices Marshall, Blackmun, and Stevens, questions the very heart of our criminal justice system: the traditional discretion that prosecutors and juries necessarily must have. We have held that discretion in a capital punishment system is necessary to satisfy the Constitution. Woodson v. North Carolina, 428 U. S. 280 (1976). See supra, at 303-306. Yet, the dissent now claims that the “discretion afforded prosecutors and jurors in the Georgia capital sentencing system” violates the Constitution by creating “opportunities for racial considerations to influence criminal proceedings.” Post, at 333. The dissent contends that in Georgia “[n]o guidelines govern prosecutorial decisions . . . and [that] Georgia provides juries with no list of aggravating and mitigating factors, nor any standard for balancing them against one another.” Ibid. Prosecutorial decisions necessarily involve both judgmental and factual decisions that vary from case to ease. See ABA Standards for Criminal Justice 3-3.8, 3-3.9 (2d ed. 1982). Thus, it is difficult to imagine guidelines that would produce the predictability sought by the dissent without sacrificing the discretion essential to a humane and fair system of criminal justice. Indeed, the dissent suggests no such guidelines for pros-ecutorial discretion. The reference to the failure to provide juries with the list of aggravating and mitigating factors is curious. The aggravating circumstances are set forth in detail in the Georgia statute. See n. 3, supra. The jury is not provided with a list of aggravating circumstances because not all of them are relevant to any particular crime. Instead, the prosecutor must choose the relevant circumstances and the State must prove to the jury that at least one exists beyond a reasonable doubt before the jury can even consider imposing the death sentence. It would be improper and often prejudicial to allow jurors to speculate as to aggravating circumstances wholly without support in the evidence. The dissent’s argument that a list of mitigating factors is required is particularly anomalous. We have held that the Constitution requires that juries be allowed to consider “any relevant mitigating factor,” even if it is not *315included in a statutory list. Eddings v. Oklahoma, 455 U. S., at 112. See Lockett v. Ohio, 438 U. S. 586 (1978). The dissent does not attempt to harmonize its criticism with this constitutional principle. The dissent also does not suggest any standard, much less a workable one, for balancing aggravating and mitigating factors. If capital defendants are to be treated as “uniquely individual human beings,” Woodson v. North Carolina, supra, at 304, then discretion to evaluate and weigh the circumstances relevant to the particular defendant and the crime he committed is essential. The dissent repeatedly emphasizes the need for “a uniquely high degree of rationality in imposing the death penalty.” Post, at 335. Again, no suggestion is made as to how greater “rationality” could be achieved under any type of statute that authorizes capital punishment. The Gregg-type statute imposes unprecedented safeguards in the special context of capital punishment. These include: (i) a bifurcated sentencing proceeding; (ii) the threshold requirement of one or more aggravating circumstances; and (iii) mandatory State Supreme Court review. All of these are administered pursuant to this Court’s decisions interpreting the limits of the Eighth Amendment on the imposition of the death penalty, and all are subject to ultimate review by this Court. These ensure a degree of care in the imposition of the sentence of death that can be described only as unique. Given these safeguards already inherent in the imposition and review of capital sentences, the dissent’s call for greater rationality is no less than a claim that a capital punishment system cannot be administered in accord with the Constitution. As we reiterate, infra, the requirement of heightened rationality in the imposition of capital punishment does not “plae[e] totally unrealistic conditions on its use.” Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U. S., at 199, n. 50.

Studies already exist that allegedly demonstrate a racial disparity in the length of prison sentences. See, e. g., Spohn, Gruhl, & Wélch, The Effect of Race on Sentencing: A Reexamination of an Unsettled Question, 16 Law & Soc. Rev. 71 (1981-1982); Unnever, Frazier, & Henretta, Race Differences in Criminal Sentencing, 21 Sociological Q. 197 (1980).

In Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 438 U. S. 265, 295 (1978) (opinion of Powell, J.), we recognized that the national “majority” “is composed of various minority groups, most of which can lay claim to a history of prior discrimination at the hands of the State and private individuals.” See id., at 292 (citing Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U. S., at 308 (Celtic Irishmen) (dictum); Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356 (1886) (Chinese); Truax v. Raich, 239 U. S. 33, 36, 41-42 (1915) (Austrian resident aliens); Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S. 214, 216 (1944) (Japanese); Hernandez v. Texas, 347 U. S. 475 (1954) (Mexican-Americans)). See also Uniform Guidelines on Employee Selection Procedures (1978), 29 CFR § 1607.4(B) (1986) (employer must keep records as to the “following races and ethnic groups: Blacks, American Indians (including Alaskan Natives), Asians (including Pacific Islanders), Hispanics (including persons of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American, or other Spanish origin or culture regardless of race), and whites (Caucasians) other than Hispanics”); U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1980 Census of the Population, Vol. 1, ch. B (PC80-1-B), reprinted in 1986 Statistical Abstract of the United States 29 (dividing United States population by “race and Spanish origin” into the following groups: White, Black, American Indian, Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, Spanish origin, and all other races); U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1980 Census of the Population, Supplementary Report, series PC80-S1-10, reprinted in 1986 Statistical Abstract of the United States 34 (listing 44 ancestry groups and noting that many individuals reported themselves to belong to multiple ancestry groups). We also have recognized that the ethnic composition of the Nation is ever shifting. Crawford v. Board of Ed. of Los Angeles, 458 U. S. 527 (1982), illustrates demographic facts that we increasingly find in our country, namely, that populations change in composition, and may do so in relatively short timespans. We noted: “In 1968 when the case went to trial, the [Los Angeles] District was 53.6% white, 22.6% black, 20% Hispanic, and 3.8% Asian and other. By October 1980, the demographic composition had altered radically: 23.7% white, 23.3% black, 45.3% Hispanic, and 7.7% Asian andother.” M,at530, n. 1. Increasingly whites are becoming a minority in many of the larger American cities. There appears to be no reason why a white defendant in such a city could not make a claim similar to McCleskey’s if racial disparities in sentencing arguably are shown by a statistical study. Finally, in our heterogeneous society the lower courts have found the boundaries of race and ethnicity increasingly difficult to determine. See *317 Shaare Tefila Congregation v. Cobb, 785 F. 2d 523 (CA4), cert. granted, 479 U. S. 812 (1986), and Al-Khazraji v. Saint Francis College, 784 F. 2d 505 (CA3), cert. granted, 479 U. S. 812 (1986) (argued Feb. 25, 1987) (presenting the questions whether Jews and Arabs, respectively, are “races” covered by 42 U. S. C. §§ 1981 and 1982).

See Chamblin, The Effect of Sex on the Imposition of the Death Penalty (speech given at a symposium of the American Psychological Association, entitled “Extra-legal Attributes Affecting Death Penalty Sentencing,” New York City, Sept., 1979); Steffensmeier, Effects of Judge’s and Defendant’s Sex on the Sentencing of Offenders, 14 Psychology, Journal of Human Behavior, 3 (Aug. 1977).

See Johnson, Black Innocence and the White Jury, 83 Mich. L. Rev. 1611, 1625-1640, and n. 115 (1985) (citing Cohen & Peterson, Bias in the Courtroom: Race and Sex Effects of Attorneys on Juror Verdicts, 9 Social Behavior & Personality 81 (1981)); Hodgson & Pryor, Sex Discrimination in the Courtroom: Attorney’s Gender and Credibility, 55 Psychological Rep. 483 (1984).

See Steffensmeier, supra, at 7.

See Kerr, Bull, MacCoun, & Rathborn, Effects of victim attractiveness, care and disfigurement on the judgements of American and British mock jurors, 24 Brit. J. Social Psych. 47 (1985); Johnson, supra, at 1638, n. 128 (citing Shoemaker, South, & Lowe, Facial Stereotypes of Deviants and Judgments of Guilt or Innocence, 51 Social Forces 427 (1973)).

Some studies indicate that physically attractive defendants receive greater leniency in sentencing than unattractive defendants, and that offenders whose victims are physically attractive receive harsher sentences than defendants with less attractive victims. Smith & Hed, Effects of Offenders’ Age and Attractiveness on Sentencing by Mock Juries, 44 Psy*318chological Rep. 691 (1979); Kerr, Beautiful and Blameless: Effects of Victim Attractiveness and Responsibility on Mock Jurors’ Verdicts, 4 Personality and Social Psych. Bull. 479 (1978). But see Baumeister & Darley, Reducing the Biasing Effect of Perpetrator Attractiveness in Jury Simulation, 8 Personality and Social Psych. Bull. 286 (1982); Schwibbe & Schwibbe, Judgment and Treatment of People of Varied Attractiveness, 48 Psychological Rep. 11 (1981); Weiten, The Attraction-Leniency Effect in Jury Research: An Examination of External Validity, 10 J. Applied Social Psych. 340 (1980).

Justice Stevens, who would not overrule Gregg, suggests in his dissent that the infirmities alleged by McCleskey could be remedied by narrowing the class of death-eligible defendants to categories identified by the Baldus study where “prosecutors consistently seek, and juries consistently impose, the death penalty without regard to the race of the victim or the race of the offender.” Post, at 367. This proposed solution is unconvincing. First, “consistently” is a relative term, and narrowing the category of death-eligible defendants would simply shift the borderline between those defendants who received the death penalty and those who did not. A borderline area would continue to exist and vary in its boundaries. Moreover, because the discrepancy between borderline cases would be difficult to explain, the system would likely remain open to challenge on the basis that the lack of explanation rendered the sentencing decisions unconstitutionally arbitrary. Second, even assuming that a category with theoretically consistent results could be identified, it is difficult to imagine how Justice Stevens’ proposal would or could operate on a ease-by-case basis. Whenever a victim is white and the defendant is a member of a different race, what steps would a prosecutor be required to take-in addition to weighing the customary prosecutorial considerations — before concluding in the particular case that he lawfully could prosecute? In the absence of a current, Baldus-type study focused particularly on the community in which the crime was committed, where would he find a standard? Would the prosecutor have to review the prior decisions of community prosecutors and determine the types of eases in which juries in his jurisdiction “consistently” had imposed the death penalty when the victim was white and the defendant was of a different race? And must he rely solely on statistics? Even if such a study were feasible, would it be unlawful for the prosecutor, in making his *319final decision in a particular case, to consider the evidence of guilt and the presence of aggravating and mitigating factors? However conscientiously a prosecutor might attempt to identify death-eligible defendants under the dissent’s suggestion, it would be a wholly speculative task at best, likely to result in less rather than more fairness and consistency in the imposition of the death penalty.

I agree with Justice Stevens’ position that the proper course is to remand this case to the Court of Appeals for determination of the validity of the statistical evidence presented. Post, at 367. Like Justice Stevens, however, I am persuaded that the Baldus study is valid and would remand merely in the interest of orderly procedure.

See, e. g., H. R. Joint Comm. Rep. No. 30, 39th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. II, p. 25 (1866) (testimony of George Tucker, Virginia attorney) (“They have not any idea of prosecuting white men for offenses against colored people; they do not appreciate the idea”); id., at 209 (testimony of Dexter H. Clapp) (“Of the thousand cases of murder, robbery, and maltreatment of freedmen that have come before me, ... I have never yet known a single ease in which the local authorities or police or citizens made any attempt or exhibited any inclination to redress any of these wrongs or to protect such persons”); id., at 213 (testimony of J. A. Campbell) (although identities of men suspected of killing two blacks known, no arrest or trial had occurred); id., pt. Ill, p. 141 (testimony of Brev. Maj. Gen. Wager Swayne) (“I have not known, after six months’ residence at the capital of the State, a single instance of a white man being convicted and hung or sent to the penitentiary for crime against a negro, while many cases of crime warranting such punishment have been reported to me”); id., pt. IV, p. 75 (testimony of Maj. Gen. George A. Custer) (“[I]t is of weekly, if not of daily, occurrence that freedmen are murdered. . . . [Sjometimes it is not known who the perpetrators are; but when that is known no action is taken against them. I believe a white man has never been hung for murder in Texas, although it is the law”). In Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483 (1954), this Court held that, despite the fact that the legislative history of the Fourteenth Amendment indicated that Congress did not view racial discrimination in public education as a specific target, the Amendment nevertheless prohibited such discrimination. The Court today holds that even though the Fourteenth Amendment was aimed specifically at eradicating discrimination in the enforcement of criminal sanctions, allegations of such discrimination supported by substantial evidence are not constitutionally cognizable. But see Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79, 85 (1986) (allegations of racially discriminatory exercise of peremptory challenges by prosecutor subject to review under Fourteenth Amendment because “[ejxclusion of black citizens from service as jurors constitutes a primary example of the evil the Fourteenth Amendment was designed to cure”).

The Court refers to the prosecutor’s role in the capital sentencing process without analyzing the import of the statistical evidence concerning the steps of the process at which the prosecutor determines the future of the case. The Court recognizes that the prosecutor determines whether a case even will proceed to the penalty phase. If the prosecutor does not pursue the death penalty, a mandatory sentence of life imprisonment is imposed. See ante, at 284, n. 2. It lists many of the factors that prosecutors take into account in making their decisions, ante, at 307-308, n. 28, and recognizes that in each case the prosecutor can decline to charge, or to offer a plea bargain, or to seek a death sentence, ante, at 312. It also notes that the Baldus study “found that prosecutors sought the death penalty in 70% of the cases involving black defendants and white victims; 32% *351of the cases involving white defendants and white victims; 15% of the cases involving black defendants and black victims; and 19% of the eases involving white defendants and black victims,” ante, at 287. The Court relies heavily on its assertion that prosecutorial discretion should not be reviewed, ante, at 296-297, 311-312, but elsewhere concedes that such discretion may not be exercised in a racially discriminatory manner, ante, at 309, n. 30. It nowhere explains why this limitation on pros-ecutorial discretion does not require the same analysis that we apply in other cases involving equal protection challenges to the exercise of pros-ecutorial discretion. See, e. g., Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79 (1986).

The use of the prima facie case method to structure proof in eases charging racial discrimination is appropriate because it “progressively . . . *352sharpen[s] the inquiry into the elusive factual question of intentional discrimination.” Texas Dept. of Community Affairs v. Burdine, 450 U. S. 248, 255, n. 8 (1981); see McCleskey v. Kemp, 753 F. 2d 877, 912 (CA11 1985) (Johnson, J., dissenting in part and concurring in part) (where the “prosecutor has considerable discretion and the jury has bounded but irreducible discretion,” the discretion could easily mask conscious or unconscious racial discrimination and indirect methods of proof are therefore required as outlined in Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S. 229, 241-242 (1976), and Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U. S. 252, 266, n. 13 (1977)).

The Court recently explained: “In deciding if the defendant has carried his burden of persuasion, a court must undertake ‘a sensitive inquiry into such circumstantial and direct evidence of intent as may be available.’ Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U. S., at 266. Circumstantial evidence of invidious intent may include proof of disproportionate impact. Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S., at 242. We have observed that under some circumstances proof of .discriminatory impact ‘may for all practical purposes demonstrate unconstitutionality because in various circumstances the discrimination is very difficult to explain on nonraeial grounds.’ Ibid.’’ Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S., at 93.

In Castaneda, we explained that in jury-selection cases where the criminal defendant is attempting to prove that there was discriminatory *353exclusion of potential jurors we apply the “rule of exclusion” method of proof. 430 U. S., at 494. The underlying rationale is that “[i]f a disparity is sufficiently large, then it is unlikely that it is due solely to chance or accident, and, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, one must conclude that racial or other class-related factors entered into the selection process.” Id., at 494, n. 13.

Although the Court states that it assumes the validity of the Baldus study for purposes of its analysis, because of its detailed discussion of the District Court’s reasons for rejecting its validity I am compelled to record my disagreement with the District Court’s reasoning. As a member of the United States Court of Appeals, I was confronted in 1968 with a challenge to the constitutionality of a State’s capital sentencing system based on allegations of racial discrimination supported by statistical evidence. Writing for a panel of the court, I rejected that challenge for reasons similar to those espoused by the Court today. Maxwell v. Bishop, 398 F. 2d 138 (CA8), vacated and remanded, sua sponte, on grounds not raised below, 398 U. S. 262 (1970) (per curiam). The Court of Appeals found the evidence presented by Maxwell incomplete, not directly relevant to his individual claim, and statistically insufficient. McCleskey’s evidence, however, is of such a different level of sophistication and detail that it simply cannot be rejected on those grounds. Unlike the evidence presented by Maxwell, which did not contain data from the jurisdiction in which he was tried and sentenced, McCleskey’s evidence includes data from the relevant jurisdiction. Whereas the analyses presented by Maxwell did not take into account a significant number of variables and were based on a universe of 55 cases, the analyses presented by McCleskey’s evidence take into account more than 400 variables and áre based on data concerning all offenders arrested for homicide in Georgia from 1973 through 1978, a total of 2,484 cases. Moreover, the sophistication of McCleskey’s evidence permits consideration of the existence of racial discrimination at various decision points in the process, not merely at the jury decision. It is this experience, in part, that convinces me of the significance of the Baldus study.

See Brief for Dr. Franklin M. Fisher et al. as Amici Curiae 19.

A defendant’s chances of receiving a death sentence increase by a factor of 4.3 if the victim is white, but only by 2.3 if the defendant was the prime mover behind the homicide.

A prior record of a conviction for murder, armed robbery, rape, or kidnaping with bodily injury increases the chances of a defendant’s receiving a death sentence by a factor of 4.9.

I agree with Justice Stevens’ position that the proper course is to remand this case to the Court of Appeals for determination of the validity of the statistical evidence presented. Post, at 367. Like Justice Stevens, however, I am persuaded that the Baldus study is valid and would remand merely in the interest of orderly procedure.

See, e. g., H. R. Joint Comm. Rep. No. 30, 39th Cong., 1st Sess., pt. II, p. 25 (1866) (testimony of George Tucker, Virginia attorney) (“They have not any idea of prosecuting white men for offenses against colored people; they do not appreciate the idea”); id., at 209 (testimony of Dexter H. Clapp) (“Of the thousand cases of murder, robbery, and maltreatment of freedmen that have come before me, ... I have never yet known a single ease in which the local authorities or police or citizens made any attempt or exhibited any inclination to redress any of these wrongs or to protect such persons”); id., at 213 (testimony of J. A. Campbell) (although identities of men suspected of killing two blacks known, no arrest or trial had occurred); id., pt. Ill, p. 141 (testimony of Brev. Maj. Gen. Wager Swayne) (“I have not known, after six months’ residence at the capital of the State, a single instance of a white man being convicted and hung or sent to the penitentiary for crime against a negro, while many cases of crime warranting such punishment have been reported to me”); id., pt. IV, p. 75 (testimony of Maj. Gen. George A. Custer) (“[I]t is of weekly, if not of daily, occurrence that freedmen are murdered. . . . [Sjometimes it is not known who the perpetrators are; but when that is known no action is taken against them. I believe a white man has never been hung for murder in Texas, although it is the law”). In Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483 (1954), this Court held that, despite the fact that the legislative history of the Fourteenth Amendment indicated that Congress did not view racial discrimination in public education as a specific target, the Amendment nevertheless prohibited such discrimination. The Court today holds that even though the Fourteenth Amendment was aimed specifically at eradicating discrimination in the enforcement of criminal sanctions, allegations of such discrimination supported by substantial evidence are not constitutionally cognizable. But see Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79, 85 (1986) (allegations of racially discriminatory exercise of peremptory challenges by prosecutor subject to review under Fourteenth Amendment because “[ejxclusion of black citizens from service as jurors constitutes a primary example of the evil the Fourteenth Amendment was designed to cure”).

The Court refers to the prosecutor’s role in the capital sentencing process without analyzing the import of the statistical evidence concerning the steps of the process at which the prosecutor determines the future of the case. The Court recognizes that the prosecutor determines whether a case even will proceed to the penalty phase. If the prosecutor does not pursue the death penalty, a mandatory sentence of life imprisonment is imposed. See ante, at 284, n. 2. It lists many of the factors that prosecutors take into account in making their decisions, ante, at 307-308, n. 28, and recognizes that in each case the prosecutor can decline to charge, or to offer a plea bargain, or to seek a death sentence, ante, at 312. It also notes that the Baldus study “found that prosecutors sought the death penalty in 70% of the cases involving black defendants and white victims; 32% *351of the cases involving white defendants and white victims; 15% of the cases involving black defendants and black victims; and 19% of the eases involving white defendants and black victims,” ante, at 287. The Court relies heavily on its assertion that prosecutorial discretion should not be reviewed, ante, at 296-297, 311-312, but elsewhere concedes that such discretion may not be exercised in a racially discriminatory manner, ante, at 309, n. 30. It nowhere explains why this limitation on pros-ecutorial discretion does not require the same analysis that we apply in other cases involving equal protection challenges to the exercise of pros-ecutorial discretion. See, e. g., Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79 (1986).

The use of the prima facie case method to structure proof in eases charging racial discrimination is appropriate because it “progressively . . . *352sharpen[s] the inquiry into the elusive factual question of intentional discrimination.” Texas Dept. of Community Affairs v. Burdine, 450 U. S. 248, 255, n. 8 (1981); see McCleskey v. Kemp, 753 F. 2d 877, 912 (CA11 1985) (Johnson, J., dissenting in part and concurring in part) (where the “prosecutor has considerable discretion and the jury has bounded but irreducible discretion,” the discretion could easily mask conscious or unconscious racial discrimination and indirect methods of proof are therefore required as outlined in Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S. 229, 241-242 (1976), and Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U. S. 252, 266, n. 13 (1977)).

The Court recently explained: “In deciding if the defendant has carried his burden of persuasion, a court must undertake ‘a sensitive inquiry into such circumstantial and direct evidence of intent as may be available.’ Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp., 429 U. S., at 266. Circumstantial evidence of invidious intent may include proof of disproportionate impact. Washington v. Davis, 426 U. S., at 242. We have observed that under some circumstances proof of .discriminatory impact ‘may for all practical purposes demonstrate unconstitutionality because in various circumstances the discrimination is very difficult to explain on nonraeial grounds.’ Ibid.’’ Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S., at 93.

In Castaneda, we explained that in jury-selection cases where the criminal defendant is attempting to prove that there was discriminatory *353exclusion of potential jurors we apply the “rule of exclusion” method of proof. 430 U. S., at 494. The underlying rationale is that “[i]f a disparity is sufficiently large, then it is unlikely that it is due solely to chance or accident, and, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, one must conclude that racial or other class-related factors entered into the selection process.” Id., at 494, n. 13.

Although the Court states that it assumes the validity of the Baldus study for purposes of its analysis, because of its detailed discussion of the District Court’s reasons for rejecting its validity I am compelled to record my disagreement with the District Court’s reasoning. As a member of the United States Court of Appeals, I was confronted in 1968 with a challenge to the constitutionality of a State’s capital sentencing system based on allegations of racial discrimination supported by statistical evidence. Writing for a panel of the court, I rejected that challenge for reasons similar to those espoused by the Court today. Maxwell v. Bishop, 398 F. 2d 138 (CA8), vacated and remanded, sua sponte, on grounds not raised below, 398 U. S. 262 (1970) (per curiam). The Court of Appeals found the evidence presented by Maxwell incomplete, not directly relevant to his individual claim, and statistically insufficient. McCleskey’s evidence, however, is of such a different level of sophistication and detail that it simply cannot be rejected on those grounds. Unlike the evidence presented by Maxwell, which did not contain data from the jurisdiction in which he was tried and sentenced, McCleskey’s evidence includes data from the relevant jurisdiction. Whereas the analyses presented by Maxwell did not take into account a significant number of variables and were based on a universe of 55 cases, the analyses presented by McCleskey’s evidence take into account more than 400 variables and áre based on data concerning all offenders arrested for homicide in Georgia from 1973 through 1978, a total of 2,484 cases. Moreover, the sophistication of McCleskey’s evidence permits consideration of the existence of racial discrimination at various decision points in the process, not merely at the jury decision. It is this experience, in part, that convinces me of the significance of the Baldus study.

See Brief for Dr. Franklin M. Fisher et al. as Amici Curiae 19.

A defendant’s chances of receiving a death sentence increase by a factor of 4.3 if the victim is white, but only by 2.3 if the defendant was the prime mover behind the homicide.

A prior record of a conviction for murder, armed robbery, rape, or kidnaping with bodily injury increases the chances of a defendant’s receiving a death sentence by a factor of 4.9.

The universe of eases from Fulton County analyzed by Baldus included 629 killings, 581 of which yielded murder indictments. Supp. Exh. 59, 60; Tr. 978-981. The evidence indicated that at each step in the process from indictment to sentence, there is a differential treatment in the disposition of white-victim and black-victim cases, with the white-victim cases having a higher likelihood of being retained in the system and risking a death sentence. Supp. Exh. 60; Tr. 978-981.

In his deposition, Russell Parker, the Assistant District Attorney who prosecuted McCleskey’s case, contradicted the statement cited by the Court, ante, at 312, n. 34, concerning plea negotiations during Mc-Cleskey’s trial. Parker testified that he never discussed a plea with McCleskey. Deposition in No. 84-8176 of Russell Parker, Feb. 16, 1981, p. 15.

As a result of MeCleskey’s discovery efforts, the record also contains relevant testimonial evidence by two state officials. The Fulton County District Attorney testified that he did not recall any instance in which race was a factor in a death penalty case in his office. Deposition in No. 84-8176 of Lewis R. Slaton, Aug. 4, 1983, p. 78. He later recalled one ease that was in the office when he first began, in which the office set aside the death penalty because of the possibility that race had been involved. Id., at 79-80. The Assistant District Attorney who prosecuted McCleskey’s case testified that race did not influence his decision to seek the death penalty in the present case. Deposition of Russell Parker, Feb. 16, 1981, p. 17. These general assertions by state officials that they did not discriminate or that they properly performed their official duties, however, cannot meet *361the State’s burden of rebuttal of the prima facie case. See Alexander v. Louisiana, 406 U. S. 625, 631-632 (1972); Whitus v. Georgia, 385 U. S. 545, 551-552 (1967). Moreover, there are many ways in which racial factors can enter indirectly into prosecutorial decisions. For example, the authors of a study similar to that of Baldus explained: “Since death penalty prosecutions require large allocations of scarce prosecutorial resources, prosecutors must choose a small number of eases to receive this expensive treatment. In making these choices they may favor homicides that are visible and disturbing to the majority of the community, and these will tend to be white-victim homicides.” Gross & Mauro, Patterns of Death: An Analysis of Racial Disparities in Capital Sentencing and Homicide Victimization, 37 Stan. L. Rev. 27, 106-107 (1984); see generally Johnson, Race and the Decision to Detain a Suspect, 93 Yale L. J. 214 (1983); Lawrence, The Id, the Ego, and Equal Protection: Reckoning with Unconscious Racism, 39 Stan. L. Rev. 317 (1987).

Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed for the Congressional Black Caucus et al. by Seth P. Waxman, Harold R. Tyler, Jr., James Robertson, Norman Redlich, William L. Robinson, and Grover Hankins; and for the International Human Rights Law Group by Ralph G. Steinhardt. Briefs of amici curiae urging affirmance were filed for the State of California et al. by Ira Reiner, Harry B. Sondheim, John K. Van de Kamp, Attorney General, Michael C. Wellington, Supervising Deputy Attorney General, and Susan Lee Frierson, Deputy Attorney General; and for the Washington Legal Foundation et al. by Daniel J. Popeo and George C. Smith. Martin F. Richman filed a brief for Dr. Franklin M. Fisher et al. as amici curiae.