The dissent contends that the legislative history of § 1983 supports the proposition that § 1983 does not apply to constitutional provisions that allocate power. See
post, at 454-457. That argument is untenable. The dissent chiefly relies upon a partial quotation of a statement made by Representative Shellabarger, one of the principal sponsors of the statute. In context, the statement reads: It should first be noted that Shellabarger was not in the above quotation addressing the part of the 1871 statute that became §1983,
i. e., §1. Rather, he was discussing
§ 2 of the bill, which made it a federal crime to engage in a conspiracy “to do any act in violation of the rights, privileges, or immunities of another person . . . committed within a place under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United States.”
Id., at 68. A principal objection to that section was that Congress lacked the authority to enact it, because it infringed upon the powers reserved to the States by overriding their authority to define and punish crimes. See
id., at 69. In answering that argument, Shellabarger contended that Congress had the power to enforce by legislation “every one of the provisions of the Constitution.” He observed that most of the provisions of the Constitution “which restrain and directly relate to the States” had been enforced by the courts without federal legislation, but noted that three provisions limiting state authority — the Extradition Clause, the Privileges and Immunities Clause, and the Fugitive Slave Clause — had been enforced pursuant to federal legislation. It becomes clear that fully quoted and properly read, Shellabarger’s remarks do not in any way aid the dissent. The dissent’s attempt to characterize Shellabarger’s argument for
expansive federal power to enact crimi*445nal legislation as support for a
narrow construction of § 1983 is strained, to say the least. Shellabarger simply did not address the issues of which constitutional provisions establish “rights, privileges, or immunities,” whether the Commerce Clause falls into that category, or whether provisions that allocate power cannot also confer rights. Nor would it be likely that he would have made any of the statements on these points argued by the dissent, given this Court’s then-recent holding that the affirmative grant of power to Congress in the Credit Clause established a “right, privilege, or immunity.” See
The Banks v.
The Mayor, 7 Wall. 16, 22 (1869). The other snippets of legislative history relied upon by the dissent, see
post, at 456-457, are similarly inapposite and inconclusive. In any event, even if the dissent’s cut-and-paste history could be read to provide some support for its formalistic distinction between power-allocating and rights-conferring provisions of the Constitution, it plainly does not constitute a “a clearly expressed legislative intent contrary to the plain language of [§ 1983].”
American Tobacco Co. v.
Patterson, 456 U. S. 63, 75 (1982). Rather, if Congress had intended to limit the “broad and unqualified” language of § 1983, “it is not unreasonable to assume that it would have made this explicit.”
St. Paul Fire & Marine Ins. Co. v.
Barry, 438 U. S. 531, 550 (1978).